June 25th, 2016
Tiffany Arend
District Archeologist
California Desert District, BLM
Tiffany
I am writing to inform you of my decision to suspend participation in the HPMP process. For reasons explained in more detail below, I have severe reservations about the way the sampling survey was conducted, the way the eligibility determinations were made, and most importantly, how all the ineligible assets are going to be treated. Because of this, I do not wish to participate in furthering the goals of the PA through the HPMP process until these issues are resolved.
Since the June 6 release of the first sample survey, I have become increasingly concerned that in becoming a signatory to the BLM's Programmatic Agreement for the protection of cultural resources in the West Mojave [WEMO106], I have become an unwitting accomplice to one of the more insidious creations of the twentieth century: the cap and trade program. For those of you who are not familiar with cap-and-trade theory, the basic principle is that when a cap is set on something, it often becomes a trade-able commodity.
The first avenue in which I was exposed to this theory was the right to pollute. The premise is that once an air quality standard for an area is set, in order for a new business to locate in that area, they either have to produce no additional pollution, or they have the choice to locate elsewhere, OR they can buy out someone else's right to pollute. The gross emissions for which an already-existing business has a legal permit with the air quality management district thereby becomes a marketable commodity. To those who hoped that air quality regulations might someday lead to a tapering off of fixed-source emissions, this was a gross subversion of the law; to 'realists' it was a reasonable balance that ensured a viable tax base would remain.
Next I learned that in the downtown LA area, a building height regulation of 12 stories had been enacted. The owners of parking lots instantly had 12 vertical stories of property value added, air space which may have been problematic for them to build on, but which they were now free to sell to a high rise builder. Same environmental concerns, same 'business friendly' tradeoff. This manipulation bothers me just the same as the right to pollute. To me it smacks of the same arrogance with which DWP dealt with Owen's Valley: money equals power.
So then the DRECP comes around, and I'm on fire about the idea that species habitat is now being quantified as a commodity, with the powers that be deciding that in yet another bow to commerce [in the form of renewable energy projects], some habitats can be fragmented, or worse, because they have determined that a theoretically sustainable 'cap' exists for species preservation in other locations. Again, subversion or accommodation? It's a matter of opinion, but one on which I am obviously not neutral.
Now here I am, involved in a programmatic agreement to identify and protect cultural resources in the Western Mojave desert. Realizing the potential conflicts with recreation, but very much interested in preserving cultural values, I thought [and still think] it is important to be involved. So I got involved. I contributed a lot to the development of the Programmatic Agreement [PA] that the BLM State Director signed before he left office last September. Worthy goals for identification and protection were on the table, and I was proud to be a part of it as a signatory Consulting Party.
Fast forward to June 2016. Now we're 'in the dirt', faced with our first identification efforts. The BLM released it's first report to the Consulting Parties a couple of weeks ago. It took a few days for the warning lights to start flashing in my head, but eventually they did. Out of 298 sites identified in the initial sampling survey, only 10% 'qualified' for protection under the National Register of Historic Places [NRHP]. More importantly, it appears under my understanding of the [PA] that only those sites that 'qualify' for NRHP designation will get a Historic Properties Treatment Plan [HPMP]. The rest will have the more generic protections provided by FLPMA and ARPA. In case you need reminding, these are the same dubious plans that allowed for the burning and razing of hundreds of historic cabins during the 1980's and '90s.
So my first heartburn with this process is the realization is that cap and trade policies have already come into play in the identification and evaluation efforts. In a land-management version of the adage that familiarity breeds contempt, if there are multiple sites of a certain variety in a discrete area, say lithic scatters, the value to a mainstream archeologist is much lower than if there was only one. In this way, a site looses some of it's discrete and distinct value because of being compared to others, rather than being evaluated solely on it's own merit. We tend to cherish most that which we recognize we are on the verge of having no more of. Conversely, if multiple sites exist, they become more 'familiar,' less singular. Put another way, considerations of quantity often end up effecting considerations of quality.
In the case of Native American sites referred to in the dry nomenclature of the initial report as “lithic scatters”, I share the opinion of anthropologist and author Carlos Castaneda that each and every one of these sites is a “place of power.” These sites were not chosen randomly by those who used them. And just because it's value cannot be quantified by a mainstream archeologist on a rapidly-deployed random sampling survey does not mean it has no cultural value. And cultural value was something SPECIFICALLY IDENTIFIED in the PA process as a component of the identification and evaluation process.
However, even as Consulting Parties, we are ultimately left with having to take the BLM's word for their efforts to weigh these values in the designation process: due to confidentiality concerns, they cannot tell us where they are.
From my discussions with TIPO Bob Robinson, also a Consulting Party in this process, I understand that the perfunctory designation of “lithic scatters” is actually much more problematic than I suspected. He indicated that many sites of major significance may have already been looted to the extent that only lithic scatters remain. In this event, the contractors' perfunctory assessment based only on what is directly observable today gives woefully inadequate consideration to the site.
Mr. Robinson also indicated a very real concern that some of what is referred to as lithic scatters in this initial sampling survey may be in fact purposely fragmented and broken objects of a funerary nature. According to Mr. Robinson, it was and still is a common tribal custom to burn a dead person's possessions when they pass, and to break those things which cannot be burned. There is no way to determine from this report if those objects have been properly recognized as such.
Moving on from these specific reservations regarding the sampling survey [there are more...lots more], the next question is: For the 90% of sites that are declared 'ineligible', what will be their fate? Again, assuming my understanding of the PA is correct, they are not eligible for direct and discrete Historic Properties Management Plans [HPMPs], only the generic management prescriptions mentioned earlier. But even those baseline management principles are 'on the move' as well.
Consider for a moment the BLM's new mantra: landscape level planning. Most of us saw this hydra raise its head for the first time in the DRECP. The promise of cross-jurisdictional, integrated management is as alluring as the mythical Sirens were to those in the time of Homer. But as those of us who had the opportunity to look 'behind the curtain' at the driving force behind landscape-level planning in the DRECP discovered, the results were just as potentially lethal as those of the Homeric legend.
Picture for a moment the absurdity of the logic that says we can cut down all the trees in North America because there are still plenty of trees in South America. If you paint in a picture of a large enough landscape, you can justify just about anything. The problem here is that is EXACTLY what the BLM is proposing right now as their new baseline. They call it Planning 2.0. One of it's major tenets is to provide the Bureau with a platform for increasing LANDSCAPE-LEVEL planning. With only the DRECP to hold out as an example, we have every right to worry that Planning 2.0 will turn out to be another cap and trade 'wolf' in sheep's clothing.
In the 2.0 process, local people have every right to be concerned that local concerns will be lost in an increasingly REGIONAL process. For us, the Consulting Parties to this PA, the concern is even more acute. Our concerns are not just local, THEY ARE SITE SPECIFIC. 2.0 offers no hope for site specific management of properties that fail the NRHP eligibility test. Protection under an expanded version of our PA is their only realistic hope.
What does this all mean? In being a Consulting Party to this PA, I feel like I am becoming an accomplice in the eventual demise of a large part of our shared cultural heritage. It is one thing to rail against a proposal for its perceived dangers as a outsider, a concerned citizen. It is quite another to have your name attached to the document which has the potential to move a huge subterfuge forward.
So what do I want?
In the coming weeks I will be looking for the BLM to provide WRITTEN ASSURANCES by way of specific management policies...THAT WILL NOT BE AFFECTED BY PLANNING 2.0...that will ensure that the vast majority of cultural resources, whose fates have been made clearer by the initial survey, will be given adequate protection despite lacking formal NRHP designation.
Based on the 40 year track record of the Bureau's field offices, I have no faith in the sufficiency of FLPMA and ARPA to provide this protection absent some clear, written management directives from the Desert District.
I don't think I need to challenge the survey and evaluation processes as well, as I believe the tribal spokesmen and spokeswomen who are involved in this process will provide you with direct challenges on those grounds. However, in the absence of having their objections on the record at this time, I would like this letter to serve as an objection on those grounds as well, only to preserve the right of all Consulting Parties to continue discussion on this very important matter.
As I said at the outset, I am suspending my participation in the process for the time being. For as much as I would like to discuss these matters at the first opportunity, I realize that the upcoming meeting next Wednesday is not the appropriate time or place for these discussions to occur. Under the limited timeframe budgeted for working on the HPMP, it is not my intention to subvert your processes. My letter is intended only to put you on legal notice of my specific objections to the survey, the report, and to those conclusions only made clear for the first time by the report.
To put this bluntly, if the BLM has the potential to subvert meaningful participation in the management of cultural resources by effectively putting 90% of them 'off limits' to discussion thru a single-sided determination of ineligibility, then I want no part of it.
IN MY OPINION, the PA NEEDS TO BE EXPANDED to allow for Consulting Party discussions regarding management of ALL sites, not just NRHP eligible ones. I apologize if I misunderstood the objectives before. Had I realized, I would have objected sooner.
As always, I am more than happy to make myself available for discussion of these matters. I take my volunteer duties to the BLM as a member of CASSP, as a Consulting Party to this PA, and as a member of the Desert Advisory Council very seriously.
Sincerely,
Mark Algazy, Esq.
Member, California Archeological Site Steward Program
Member, Friends of Jawbone
Member, Friends of Public Lands Cabins
Member, National Public Lands News
Member, Ridgecrest Public Lands Roundtable
Member, West Mojave Route Network Project
Member, BLM Desert Advisory Council
Consulting Party, WEMO Section 106 Programmatic Agreement